George Ought to Help

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Posts tagged anarchism

Oct 30

Libertarianism: Replies to Jon Stewart

My responses to the questions that Jon Stewart asks judge Napolitano here.

1 Is government the antithesis of liberty?

I prefer not to talk about liberty if possible since it means lots of different things to different people. But to the extent that liberty means freedom from coercion, yes the state is inherently hostile to liberty.

2 One of the things that enhances freedoms are roads. Infrastructure enhances freedom. A social safety net enhances freedom.

The implication is that governments provide roads and a social safety net, which we otherwise wouldn’t have, therefore government enhances freedom. The possibility (and historical fact) that these things can be provided on a voluntary basis, without government intervention, is being ignored.

3 What should we do with the losers that are picked by the free market?

We, collectively, shouldn’t do anything. Many individuals feel a strong sense of responsibility to help the unfortunate through charity—they expressed this impulse under statism by voting for social welfare programs—and they’ll be free to continue doing so.

Notice too, that because of the massive increase in productivity that a freed market brings, there will be fewer ‘losers’ altogether, in absolute terms.

4 Do we live in a society or don’t we? Are we a collective? Everybody’s success is predicated on the hard work of all of us; nobody gets there on their own. Why should it be that the people who lose are hung out to dry? For a group that doesn’t believe in evolution, it’s awfully Darwinian.

We form a society, but we are not a collective (in the sense of being united by a common goal).

Libertarians don’t suggest that those who experience hardship deserve to be ‘hung out to dry’. The opposition to the welfare state doesn’t stem from a belief that it’s good for society if its ‘losers’ die in a ditch. Instead it reflects a conviction that it’s not okay to threaten force against peaceful people—that’s how the welfare state is funded.

Happily, the coercive welfare state isn’t the only way of providing a safety net. A return to the successful system of mutual aid societies (they were killed by legislation) would be a desirable development from a libertarian perspective: http://mises.org/daily/5388

Libertarians are a diverse bunch. Opposing the use of violence against peaceful people doesn’t automatically mean that you’re a Christian, or a creationist. Also, appreciating that (natural) selection happens doesn’t mean that you judge its outcomes to be morally desirable.

5 In a representative democracy, we are the government. We have work to do, and we have a business to run, and we have children to raise.. We elect you as our representatives to look after our interests within a democratic system.

As Rothbard points out, If ‘we’ were the government, then it would be correct to say that the Jews, who were gassed by the agents of a democratically elected government, actually committed suicide. If you don’t believe this is an accurate way of describing reality then you don’t actually believe the fiction that ‘we are the government’.

6 Is government inherently evil?

Evil, like liberty, is a very ambiguous word. I prefer to say that if we value prosperity, and if we oppose the use of force against peaceful people, then we should oppose government.

7 Sometimes to protect the greater liberty you have to do things like form an army, or gather a group together to build a wall or levy.

Are you claiming to know that there’s no way to achieve these things without making threats of violence against peaceful people? If so the burden of proof is on you.

Meanwhile it helps to keep in mind that humans are ingenious, especially when profit is at stake. For a sketch of plausible ways in which a defensive army could be created by purely voluntary means see Robert Murphy’s book Chaos Theory (PDF).

8 As soon as you’ve built an army, you’ve now said government isn’t always inherently evil because we need it to help us sometimes, so now.. it’s that old joke: Would you sleep with me for a million dollars? How about a dollar? -Who do you think I am?- We already decided who you are, now we’re just negotiating.

It’s not clear that government is necessary for national defence.

I agree that libertarian minarchists (like Napolitano) are in a weak position here—if you claim to oppose coercion, the credibility of that opposition is undermined if you advocate the existence of even a small government.

9 You say: government which governs least governments best. But that were the Articles of Confederation. We tried that for 8 years, it didn’t work, and went to the Constitution.

I don’t know much about it. I’m an anarchist rather than a minarchist: The best government is no government.

10 You give money to the IRS because you think they’re gonna hire a bunch of people, that if your house catches on fire, will come there with water.

No, I pay taxes because I know that if I don’t, I’ll face a strong of increasingly severe punishments, ultimately backed by deadly force if I try to defend myself against my attackers.

Incidentally, private firefighting exists, and does better than tax funded alternatives. We don’t need a system of institutionalised violence to deal with the ancient problem of things catching fire.

11 Why is it that libertarians trust a corporation, in certain matters, more than they trust representatives that are accountable to voters? The idea that I would give up my liberty to an insurance company, as opposed to my representative, seems insane.

Libertarians tend to trust firms, (or rather would do, under a freed market), more than governments because profit-seeking in strongly competitive fields can be expected to lead to behaviour that closely responds to the values and preferences of the ‘customer’. Firms generally operate within the confines of law, and generally go bankrupt if they fail to provide what people want.

By contrast, the government can change the law without your consent, and it’s common knowledge that politicians routinely break their promises—taken together these things are the equivalent to reserving the unilateral right to change a contract after its been signed. You might not choose to do business again with whoever managed to pull this off, but you—and everyone else—are still the victim for four years.

It’s true that an official may lose his position of power after a while, but voting for package deals of promises is a process that sends a very weak, vague signal about preferences that often seems ineffective in determining how a ruling party behaves. In what sense are you being ‘represented’ by the current governments’ involvement in foreign war for instance? How effective has the ‘accountability’ of the ballot box been in disincentivising the ‘commander in chief’ from pursuing war?

I’m not sure what you mean by ‘give up my liberty to an insurance firm’.

12 Why is it that with competition, we have such difficulty with our health care system? ..and there are choices within the educational system.

Competition in the provision of health care in the US is artificially limited by the AMA, a cartel of doctors with the power to control entry into their industry. By keeping the trickle of new healthcare providers very low, they guarantee their own high wages. It should be clear that this is a dangerous conflict of interest.

As I understand it, competition between insurance companies is artificially restricted too, for instance by laws that forbid firms from selling insurance to customers in other states.

Further, competition is limited by the FDA also, an agency that restricts the availability (and raises the price) of medicine. Because its an agency which cannot go bankrupt, (funded by taxes, and not by customers) the FDA is incentivised to be very conservative in the products that it allows to reach the market. This is because if it approves an unsafe product and someone dies, it will loose face—maybe someone will be fired, but if it fails to approve a safe product, generally no one will know about it and it will not lose income.

13 Would you go back to 1890?

No. But we’d be better of if we had the same economic freedom as we had in 1890.

14 If we didn’t have government, we’d all be in hovercrafts, and nobody would have cancer, and broccoli would be ice-cream?

Yes.

15 Unregulated markets have been tried. The 80’s and the 90’s were the robber baron age. These regulations didn’t come out of an interest in restricting liberty. What they did is came out of an interest in helping those that had been victimized by a system that they couldn’t fight back against.

The ‘Robber Barons’ were anything but. For instance, Rockefeller made his fortune by producing oil more efficiently, and selling it at a lower price, than any of the hundreds of competing oil firms were willing or able to. The Antitrust legislation that eventually killed his firm, Standard Oil, was the design of his less successful competitors.

Of course, in every industry the less efficient competitors can be expected to snipe at their superior rivals, and in many instances sniping turns into an organized political crusade to get the government to enact laws or regulations that harm the superior competitor. Economists call this process “rent seeking”; in the language of economics, “rent” means a financial return on an investment or activity in excess of what the activity would normally bring in a competitive market. This sort of political crusade by less successful rivals is precisely what crippled the great Rockefeller organization.

The governmental vehicle that was chosen to cripple Standard Oil was antitrust regulation. Standard Oil’s competitors succeeded in getting the federal government to bring an antitrust or antimonopoly suit against the company in 1906, after they had persuaded a number of states to file similar suits in the previous two or three years.

http://mises.org/daily/2317

16 Why do you think workers that worked in the mines unionized?

Because they believed this would increase their negotiating power.

While there are other potential workers who would accept the mining jobs, this means that if the union was to strike, its employer would hire replacement workers. For the union to be effective then, it has to prevent this from happening. It does this through the threat of violence: either directly, using picket lines to threaten ‘scabs’, or indirectly through legislation that limits the employers freedom of association (he is compelled by law to accept certain terms when employing, for instance he must agree not to fire striking workers).

Workers unions, as we know them, are coercive institutions.

17 Without the government there are no labor unions, because they would be smashed by Pinkerton agencies or people hired, or even sometimes the government.

Without government there would be no workers unions as we know them. Pinkerton agencies wouldn’t be necessary, because unions would be toothless without their current powers to use threats of violence against their employer, his property, or the workers who replaced them.

On the other hand, under free market conditions, the number of employers would skyrocket, bringing a massive increase in competition to buy labour. Working conditions would improve much faster than they currently do as a result of employers competing to offer workers the most attractive working conditions they can afford.

18 Would the free market have desegregated restaurants in the South, or would the free market have done away with miscegenation, if it had been allowed to? Would Martin Luther King have been less effective than the free market? Those laws sprung up out of a majority sense of, in that time, that blacks should not.. The free market there would not have supported integrated lunch counters.

If 51% favour racial segregation in a representative democracy, it will be illegal everywhere for a black person to sit in the front of the bus (for instance). If 51% favour racial segregation on a free market, 49% of businesses will still offer non-segragated facilities.

Here’s Walter Block explaining how market forces would punish those who would indulge their preference to discriminate on grounds of skin colour:

On the assumption that blacks wanted to ride on the front of the bus, but were prevented from doing so by the owners of the extant bus firms, this entrepreneur would start another bus line, one on which blacks can ride anywhere they want - front or back - as long as they pay for this privilege. The problem in the Jim Crow South was that this would have been illegal. Entrepreneurs were required to obtain a permit or franchise in order to start up a competing bus line. But the same statist powers that forbade blacks the front of the bus also prohibited entrepreneurs from coming to the rescue of the minority group in this commercially competitive way. Operation permits to alternative bus firms were simply not granted (Wiprud, 1945; Moore, 1961; Eckert and Hilton, 1972). In this instance the underdog could not be helped by the market - not through any fault of private discrimination, but because of the far more deleterious public variety. […]

Had the market been allowed to operate freely at the outset, the effects of this pernicious legislation could have been rendered ineffective in the short time that it would have taken an entrepreneur - black or white, it makes no difference - to set up a competing bus line. The market, in other words, is potentially the best friend of the downtrodden black minority group.”

Last item:

19 Government is necessary but must be held accountable for its decisions.

I disagree that government is necessary. The current functions of government can be divided into those things that the private sector could do more efficiently, and those things that no entity should be doing in the first place.

It’s a good job that government is unnecessary, because it certainly can’t be held accountable. Once you’ve granted an entity a monopoly in the initiation of force, and you’ve allowed it to continually expand its power, in what sense can this entity be held accountable? The only concrete limit to its growth is the ultimate threat of violent revolution, and conditions can get very bad indeed before that boiling point is reached.

Furthermore, given the problem of rational ignorance, why should we expect that most people will even care enough to find out what this entity is doing before it’s too late?


Oct 28

The state: Necessarily willing and able to kill peaceful people

Just watched the footage of Scott Olsen seemingly shot in the head at close-range with a tear gas canister, by police in Oakland. It’s enraging, but shouldn’t be surprising.

The continued existence of the state in any form (monarchy, dictatorship, representative democracy) depends entirely on the willingness and ability of its agents to attack and ultimately to kill peaceful people. I hope those on the front-lines are aware of this.

The ‘Occupy’ protests are significant not least of all because they are forcing the state to reveal its true face.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zEj_4fqDbnM


Aug 17

May 28

Reply: The alienation of work and leisure in capitalist society

Answers to this: http://lacanciondelagua.tumblr.com/post/5919338591/the-alienation-of-work-and-leisure-in-capitalist

What do we mean by capitalism? A society in which capital is the most powerful agency - a society dictated by capital

What then, do we mean by capital? Money spent with the intention of making more money, through investment in profitable enterprise.

The claim is that capitalism is a society in which “money spent with the intention of making more money” is “the most powerful agency”. Is that true? If the ability to make more money depends on, for instance, a firm’s ability to satisfy unfulfilled desires, then wouldn’t it make as much sense to say that capitalism was a system in which the consumers are collectively the most powerful agency? that the entrepreneurs and business owners are in a sense servants of the people they hope to sell to? Put that way it sounds much less ominous.

Thus, capital by its definition must constantly expand.

Accepting the definition of capital as “Money spent with the intention of making more money”, it’s not necessarily true that it must constantly expand. If capital is malinvested, for instance, it does not expand.

How is it possible for capital to expand? How can you get more money out of something than you put in? How can you get more value out of something than you put in? Only if you buy something that creates value by itself, thereby increasing the total value of everything else you’ve bought.

So what creates value? In a word: Labour. Human labour transforms material things, making them more useful, or at least seemingly more valuable to other human beings.

As things work out, human labour tends to transform things in to things that people value more, but it does not necessarily do so. This is important to bear in mind: Value is subjective, it is not intrinsic to a thing, it is not automatically conferred on a thing by virtue of the fact that labour was expended to create it.

Paraphrasing Rothbard: Value is imputed to a good according to the importance which the subject places on those desires which he expects the good to be serviceable in satisfying. That’s a dense sentence but it very important to digest this idea—because getting it muddled leads to lots of mistakes down the line. Value derives ultimately from each valuator’s desires. Not from labour. This parsimoniously explains how some goods that have no labour attached can be highly valued, and how goods created through a great deal of labour can be seen as worthless.

But how can you buy human labour? Only if there’s someone willing to sell it.

Yes.

And why would anybody sell their labour just to make someone else rich? Only if they have no other choice.

Hold on, that’s not right. A person would sell their labour any time they believed that what’s being offered in exchange for their labour will put them in a better position with regard to the satisfaction of their desires than the other options they see for themselves—in this situation they will sell their labour despite having other choices. For instance another choice they may contemplate, and reject, is the difficult path of attempting to be self-sufficient by running a farm they inherited. A person not given to quickly feeling envious of others may not mind at all that their labour is helping to make someone else rich as long as they believe that they are better off themselves for having taken the opportunity to trade.

Why do they not have a choice? Why can’t they just work for themself, or with other people on an equal basis? Because the means of production belong to someone else.

People contemplating selling their labour always have a choice. Even if the choice is between options we may find disagreeable. And the means of production are not exclusively held by marxian business-owning villains, subsistence farmers own means of production for instance.

What are the “means of production”? All the material things you need to produce other things, or to add value to existing things. Factories, machinery, tools, even the earth itself, the soil, the minerals, the water.

Yes.

If the means of production include the earth itself, why do they not belong to everyone?

Why would they? I believe the author accepts the principle of ownership at the very least as far as his body is concerned—he does not believe that others should have the right to use ‘his’ body any way they like without his permission. Ownership is a conflict avoidance norm. Land ownership is not qualitatively different than ownership of a body, it’s an example of the sample principle.

Because for thousands of years hierarchical armed groups have violently taken control of almost the entire world, fighting amongst themselves for control and enslaving the rest of humanity by denying it access to nature.

The ‘denying it access to nature’ is problematic because it implies an inconsistent stance with regard to property. But the rest is fair.

If the majority of us are the slaves of these murderers and thieves who deny us access to the earth’s resources, why do we not rise up against this injustice? Sometimes we do. But so far our efforts have not been successful. We have not managed to join forces and become strong enough to overthrow all the various hierarchies that exist. And many of us do not even realise we are slaves.

Voluntary hierarchies exist—Hierarchies that people enter into without being coerced to do so, because they judge that they can improve their situation by doing so. Why would one want to overthrow such a hierarchy?

How is it possible for people to be slaves and not realise? Because they are pacified and hypnotised by the very things that their slavery helps to produce: commodities

This reads to me like: “I know better than you do what you should value!”. An ugly, disrespectful attitude in my view.

What is a commodity? Commodities are material objects that we exchange money for, or sometimes just the promise of a material object, a digital substitute for a material object, or a “service” that is sold as if it’s a material thing.

A service is not sold ‘as if’ it’s anything else. A service is sold like anything is: the buyer believes they’ll be better off with the economic good than with the money they exchange for it.

Why do commodities hypnotise people?

Are you talking about marketing? There are certainly some sneaky tricks that can be employed there. But here’s an alternative way of framing the purchase of commodities: People part with money for the things they buy because they believe that the things they buy are better suited to satisfying their desires than the money they part with is.

Because when we buy them we do not usually know anything about how they were produced, or by whom, so we don’t see them directly as products of an oppressive system. We just see them in their commodity form. They seem almost magical, as if they’ve come from nowhere just for us, especially because the people selling them usually try to make them seem that way. But usually they stop being magical as soon as we have actually bought them.

They usually disappoint? That’s quite a tall claim given that people continue buying “material objects that we exchange money for”. I’m certainly not usually disappointed by the things I buy, if I was I would stop buying things. Nor do I believe that the things I buy are ‘magical’ in any sense, I simply value the things I buy more than I value the money I trade for them.

If they stop being magical when we’ve bought them, why don’t we see through the illusion?

Because there are always many more commodities on the horizon. We are surrounded by people trying to sell them to us. We see images of them everywhere, and hear poetic descriptions of them everywhere. All these millions of lies about commodities combine into one massive spectacle which hides the true nature of society from us.

People don’t understand how things are produced, true. And firms want to sell products of course so they’ll do whatever they can to make them seem attractive. I agree that this can lead to a belief that an item you don’t yet own will make you happier than it in fact turns out to, and this probably isn’t a good thing. But the implication that fetishism is inherent to the purchase of commodities is implausible. A loaf of bread is a commodity. An umbrella is commodity.

How can we fight against the spectacle? In many ways. We can highlight the lies behind the magical appearance of commodities by showing people the real conditions of production. We can remind people that material things can be viewed in other ways than the commodity form.

These suggestions sound fine to me.

We can remind people that they are slaves, and that they have a right to the fruits of nature without having to pay for them.

Again the denial of property. That’s problematic, I think, because if the author is like most people he treats “his body” as property.

What happens if people stop believing in the spectacle? More of them will be able to see who their enemies and oppressors are. They will not see their bosses as useful people who give them wages to buy magical commodities with, and instead see them as oppressors who exploit them.

All trade is mutually exploitative. Both parties expect to receive surplus value from the exchange. So as employers exploit workers, workers exploit employers. ‘Exploitative’ in this context doesn’t work as the pejorative you intend.

They will see the armed hierarchies that keep the means of production away from them as tyrants denying them of their birthright, and forcing them to earn wages to survive rather than live freely. They will want to fight against Capital and Hierarchy. And hopefully, one day, they will win.

Organize - Issue 76 (Anarchist Federation)

I don’t believe that the following statements are controversial:

  1. Capitalism tends towards the increasingly efficient satisfaction of people’s most strongly felt desires.
  2. Voluntary hierarchies can help those who enter them.
  3. Property is a valuable conflict avoidance norm that everyone (at least implicitly) accepts.

It’s not clear to me why one would want to fight against these things.